Alongside quantitatively documenting plague outbreaks in Early Modern London, the Bills of Mortality also provide textual descriptions of causes of death. The Death by Numbers project is transcribing and making available to the public not only the plague numbers but also dozens of recorded causes of death found in the verso of the bills, which include accidents, killings, suicides, and drownings. This will eventually create a considerable –although not massive– corpus of textual data suitable for the application of several text analysis techniques, as a way to automate the extraction of information. For this blog post, I am using three datasets on causes of death compiled by the Death by Numbers transcription team. The first dataset covers the period from 1636 to 1649, the second from 1649 to 1659, and the third from 1659 to 1677. It’s important to note that while these datasets cover most years within these ranges, there are some gaps in the data.

Following 1636’s outbreak, the plague cast a shadow over London’s life for almost ten years. Data collected from the Bills of Mortality by the Death By Numbers Project suggests that most summers witnessed a plague flare-up between 1638 and 1647. Though in the late 1630s these summer spikes were mild, the occurrence of the plague increased in intensity in the early 1640s up to 1647.¹ Indeed, each summer during the 1640s, weekly deaths in London consistently reached into the hundreds, peaking at 250 in the years 1646 and 1647.² Moreover, during the consecutive years of 1641-1642 and 1646-1647, the yearly outbreaks adopted a bi-annual cyclical pattern. Londoners endured the threat of the plague year-round, with fewer deaths in winter and a larger number of casualties during late summer. By the 1650s, however, the plague had nearly vanished, only to return forcefully during the notorious Great Plague of 1665-1666.

Death on Two Legs: Analyzing the initial 20 weeks of the 1636 London plague outbreak using time-to-event analysis. During the seventeenth century, England experienced multiple plague outbreaks. Although milder than the 1603 and 1624 plague crisis, London’s outbreak of 1636 claimed the lives of roughly 10,400 individuals, approximately 7.5% of the population in London and its liberties.¹ In this blog post, I delve into the first stages of the 1636 outbreak, by scrutinizing the propagation of the plague through London’s city subdivisions, with the aid of time-to-event analysis. The results suggest that, although all parish groups encountered at least one case of the plague in the initial two weeks of the outbreak, the propagation of the plague in the parishes within the walls of London came to a relative halt. In contrast, the outbreak’s trajectory became significantly steeper in the remaining parts of the city, namely the parishes without the walls, the parishes in Middlesex and Surrey, and the outer parishes of Westminster. The analysis aligns with existing literature that highlights a prevalent spatial pattern for plague outbreaks in the seventeenth century: specifically, a milder impact within the city walls and harsher consequences in London’s peripheral areas.² This spatial pattern can be attributed to a combination of factors, including stricter public health strategies–quarantines and isolation–implemented by the city government in the late sixteenth century, as well as the sociodemographic characteristics of early modern London. Furthermore, the analysis unveils that the implementation of containment measures led to a spatially differentiated trajectory of the outbreak: early plague deaths within the walls of London didn’t amount to a propagation of the plague with the same speed as the parts of the city outside the walls.

“London might be said to be all in tears; the mourners did not go about the streets indeed, for nobody put on black or made a formal dress of mourning for their nearests friends; but the voice of mourners was truly heard in the Streets” (Defoe, 19). Although Daniel Defoe’s description of London during the outbreak of 1665-1666 jogs our memories during the early days of the Sars-CoV- 2 virus—where the sick passed away separated from their loved ones, and families were forced to say goodbye apart from their kin—the culture of grief has indeed changed. This blog post examines grief as a vehicle for the exploration of some aspects of the death culture in early Modern England. The experiences of grief and mourning shed light on both the idea of loss at an individual level, and on changing commemorative and memorial practices in England during the eighteenth-century.

It shouldn’t be a surprise that the Bills of Mortality have informed more than three centuries of writing about the plague. Although the Death by Numbers project stands out as the first systematic effort to digitize and process the totality of the bills, a whole bunch of writers, historians, and social scientists have kneaded the numbers collected in the Bills, looking for the historical gist of plague outbreaks in England and Continental Europe. Daniel Defoe’s A Journal of the Plague Year is one of the most well known examples of a literary approach to the 1665’s outbreak of the Plague in London. This blog post examines Defoe’s use of the weekly bills not only as the factual backdrop over which the myriad of circumstances around the plague unravel, but also as the fundamental time marker that renders London’s human element into a plague frenzy. But first, let’s get some context.

In the fourth week of 1727 the habitual readers of the Bills of Mortality noticed something different in the most recent bill. The bill printed on Thursday January 9th showcased a border of skulls and crossed-bones framing the death counts in both the verso and the recto.¹ The artwork of the skull was fairly simple: a bike-seat-like cranium slightly bent to the right, with triangular nostrils, three ovals as eyes and mouth, and two crossed-bones at the bottom.